The complex ties between the Guzmán family and the government of Rubén Rocha Moya, the current governor of Sinaloa on leave, reveal a network of public and commercial relationships that included Griselda López, ex-wife of Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán and mother of two of “Los Chapitos.” According to journalist Jorge Fernández Menéndez, López acted as a contractor for Rocha’s administration, supplying materials for many public works projects.

In an interview with Ivonne Melgar on Imagen Radio’s Primera Emisión, Fernández Menéndez highlighted a critical oversight by the federal government: failing to consider that all Mexican drug traffickers detained and under legal process in the United States are providing information about alleged links with officials. He pointed out that just days before Ovidio Guzmán’s arrest on January 5, 2023, a social gathering took place at the same estate where the capture occurred. Several members of Rocha’s cabinet attended a meal with Griselda López, fully aware of the company they kept. This was not a secretive meeting but an accepted social interaction.

Fernández Menéndez also addressed recent statements from the federal government, including the lack of clear information about a pilot involved in an operation and suspicions that the FBI conducted a covert mission to extract Ismael “El Mayo” Zambada. He stressed that while unofficial sources may speculate, the Mexican government has yet to provide official confirmation or results from its own investigations.

Regarding alleged agreements, the journalist referenced comments by Ernestina Godoy, head of the Attorney General’s Office (FGR), who claimed the U.S. government made an illegal deal with “Los Chapitos” to extract El Mayo. Fernández Menéndez clarified that many traffickers, including El Mayo, have reached legal agreements with U.S. authorities to become protected witnesses. The distinction lies between legal agreements and illegal deals, a nuance often overlooked in public discourse.

The journalist emphasized the federal government’s responsibility to investigate what happened within Mexico, a task that has yielded no public results despite years of inquiry.

Adding to the political dimension, a letter revealed that El Mayo was scheduled to meet on July 25, 2024, with then-federal deputy Héctor Melesio Cuén, a longtime ally of Governor Rocha. Fernández Menéndez explained that while Rocha supported “Los Chapitos,” Melesio Cuén aligned with El Mayo Zambada, reflecting a split within the criminal factions. This division also played out during the 2024 presidential pre-campaign, where Rocha and Melesio backed different candidates.

This intricate web of relationships underscores the blurred lines between politics, organized crime, and governance in Sinaloa, raising questions about transparency and accountability in the region’s public administration.